Church-Based Outreach to Somali Muslim Youth and Families in Minneapolis
Erica C. Fronsoe
BBST/INCS 465 – Integration Seminar: Gospel and Culture
Dr. Bartlotti
Biola University
December 3, 2009
This paper proposes a plan of action for local Evangelical churches in Minneapolis to assist Somali families who have recently immigrated to the United States as refugees in such a way that family units are strengthened and Somali Muslim youth are assisted in the process of adjustment and identity formation. The plan has been formed in answer to the question In what ways can the American Evangelical church offer support to Somali Muslim families that have recently immigrated to America? The paper is broken down into three sections. Section One covers the background of the problem facing Somali youth. It will be shown that shifting family dynamics, generational gaps, recent acts of violence and trauma hinder the healthy adjustment of Somali youth; it will also be show that Somali youth seek to identify themselves along lines of dress, language and religion. Section Two is a discussion of three theological themes found to be especially relevant to Somali youth and their families. The three themes are family, hospitality, and culture, and this paper maintains that it is necessary for the church to understand these before undertaking any endeavor. In the final section, Section Three, a combination of parental support, hospitality, and promotion of learning are presented as an action plan for churches in the Minneapolis area.
To the average person, Somalia and Minnesota are polar opposites. Somalia is located on the horn of Africa, just above the equator, and experiences warm to hot temperatures year round. Minnesota, located in the northern Midwest, can be warm in the summer, but also experiences harsh winters, complete with snow and frigid temperatures. It is no surprise then that many wonder at the large population of Somalis located within Minnesota.
Minneapolis, MN, has seen a significant increase in its Somali population over the last 10-15 years. This city currently has the largest population of Somalis in the U.S. and this population is growing as children are born and new immigrants come (Gilman, 2000). Not all Somalis living in Minnesota have come as refugees, but many of the recent Somali immigrants are. Many recent arrivals are Somali youth. Coming to America presents them with many challenges related to ethnic and cultural identity and assimilation. Their reactions to these challenges affect their fellow Somalis as well as their families.
In what ways can the American Evangelical church offer support to Somali Muslim families that have recently immigrated to America? This paper proposes a plan of action for local Evangelical churches in Minneapolis to assist Somali families who have recently immigrated to the United States as refugees in such a way that family units are strengthened and Somali Muslim youth are assisted in the process of adjustment and identity formation in America.
Section One will discuss adjustment and identity formation among youth, specifically looking at difficulties faced by Somali youth, the generational gaps that develop between them and their parents, recent acts of violence suffered by the Somali community, and the ways in which Somali youth choose to define themselves. Section Two will discuss the themes of family, hospitality, and culture, presented in Scripture. The section will continue on to show the relevance of these themes to the Somali community. Finally, Section Three will propose a plan of action for involvement of local churches to strengthen family units and encourage healthy adjustment and identity formation among youth. The section proposes that the local church intentionally focus on three things: support of Somali parents, hospitality and the promotion of learning.
Section One: Background of the Problem
Section One will discuss the background of the problems facing Somali youth and their families. First it will be shown that the current civil war in Somalia is driving Somalis from their homeland. Second, this section will demonstrate the various adjustment struggles facing Somali youth. The struggles that have been identified are Somali family dynamics, generational gaps, recent violence and trauma. Having examined these three things, this section will identify the three primary ways whereby Somali youth have sought to establish their identity in America. These ways are dress, language and religious identity.
Somali Civil War
There are many who seek to understand what specific things about Minnesota have attracted over 60,000 Somalis. It has been suggested that they come to Minnesota because the state has opportunities that appeal to Somalis, as well as a healthy educational system and wonderful resources for health care (Darboe, 2003). These facts, however, do not address the question of why Somalis have left their homeland in the first place. To answer this question, it is important to very briefly examine the state of Somalia since the early 90's.
In the early 90's, Mohamed Siad Barre was still in power as Somalia's president, leading a socialist regime that caused the people of Somalia great frustration. In 1991, several Somali clan-families joined together as the U.S.C. (United Somali Congress) to overthrow Barre; they were successful in causing the collapse of the regime. Unfortunately, however, there was and continues to be no consensus concerning who should serve as President (CIA World Factbook, 2009; Samatar, 1992). The clans that once fought Barre are now at war with each other. When the U.S.C. overthrew Barre, there was no plan in place concerning the future of Somalia under another leader. Because of this and a lack of resources, since 1991, the violence has increased and has served to drive multitudes of Somali away from their homeland into places like Europe, Yemen, and the United States.
Adjustment Difficulties
There are a number of difficulties faced by groups who immigrate, no matter where they come from and where they settle. In the case of Somalis, three main factors contribute to the level of difficulty found in adjustment: family dynamics, generational gaps, and trauma.
Somali family dynamics. The civil war has had an effect on family dynamics among Somalis. Many women have lost their husbands and sons to the war. The women are left to take care of children and grandchildren, a task that is difficult enough in a home with both a husband and wife (Forman, 2001). A study done in Minnesota confirms this fact (Scuglik, Alarcon, Lapeyre, Williams & Logan, 2007). The study shows that a great number of Somali children in the USA are without their father, the main cause being death. This means that the oldest son must step into the void left by his father. However, rarely is the oldest of an age (at least 15), where he is able to accept this responsibility as provider and head of household; thus it falls onto the shoulders of the mother. Unfortunately, the mothers are not always able to accept this role either (Scuglik et al., 2007).
In cases when the children are old enough to accept certain responsibilities, this often causes them additional stress. In the absence of their mother, daughters are expected to take over certain tasks. There are cases of additional stress on young men as well. According to Murray Forman (2001), "In situations in which paternal figures are absent, male responsibilities and masculine authority frequently revert to the eldest son, even if he is only in his mid-teens" (p. 36).
Such shifts have led to a neglect of responsibility by some parents and neighbors. According to an interview done with a young Minneapolis Somali woman, Deqa Muhidin (Chanen, 2008), in Somalia, parents were not the only ones responsible for the discipline of misbehaving children; neighbors were given the responsibility as well. Truly, the community raised the children. This has not been the case in America. The Muhidin goes on to say, "Here, many mothers work 12 hours a day or own a business and may be too tired to deal with their children. And the neighbors aren't as connected" (Chanen, 2008, p. 2).
Death is not the only disruption within Somali family dynamics. There are cases of marriages falling apart due to the stress of navigating a new environment (McGown, 1999). While divorce is never ideal in Somali society (Kaplan et al., 1977, p. 83) and may happen frequently (Lewis, 1998, p. 77), it is clear that in their new societies, divorce does not carry the same weight as it would in Somalia (see McGown, 1999, concerning the benefits of divorce in Canada). Divorces are also much easier to obtain outside of Somalia (see Lewis, 1998, concerning the difficulty of obtaining a divorce in Somalia).
Generational gaps. Among other things, pressure from parents can be stressful for young Somalis seeking to adjust to a new culture. Many Somali parents have traditional ideas about what it means to be Somali, fully expecting their children to conform to these ideas. Rima McGown (1999) notes that when the first wave of Somali refugees immigrated to various places, there was no established community to help them navigate their new surroundings, thus they struggled to find their identity. Adaptation was much more difficult for them than for their children. McGown (1999) says, "In addition, children begin to adapt almost instantly to their new environments, so that their cultural integration is occurring almost before their mothers have figured out where they can obtain halal meat" (p. 16-17).
In his article on Somali youth in Norway, Fangen (2007) includes multiple stories in which Somali youth were told by Somali elders, on numerous occasions, that they were being "too Norwegian". This seems to be a trend within immigrant Somali communities, no matter where they are located. For instance, Valentine and Sporton (2009) write of Somali youth in the UK whose parents are becoming concerned. According to these authors, the parents are afraid that the children will forget their identity as Somalis due to the amount of time they spend under the influence of the outside world. Many of these same sentiments and concerns are expressed by Somali parents in America. Forman (2001) says it best:
… as teenagers become acclimatized to their new surroundings, acquiring enhanced English language skills and learning to negotiate the institutional environments of their schools, they also often begin to drift away from the core values of the family and of Islam, producing a generational dissonance that is not easily resolved… There is a subsequent sense of cultural erosion and loss among many parents as they watch their children gradually become westernized. (p. 37)
McGown (1999) also speaks to the erosion of the family due to resettlement and assimilation. In her view, only part of the difficulty is due to the fact that Somali youth are adapting to a culture that is vastly different from theirs. The other part of the difficulty is that parents are especially distressed by the fact that the society to which their children are beginning to ascribe, essentially undermines the ways in which they believe their relationships ought to work. McGown (1999) states:
Thus Somali parents dealing with the trauma of having fled a war zone, recovering from physical or emotional injury or rape, trying to learn English and re-establish the logistical basics of their lives, and confronting all the difficult questions of identity – particularly religious identity – entailed in being a Muslim in the secular Judaeo-Christian West, may find the society around them questioning and thus threatening the base on which their relationships with their children are founded. (p. 17)
The differences between the children and their parents become manifest when families return to Somalia for visits. Somali parents and their children have different memories of what Somalia is like. Somali youth may have some of their own memories if they were born in Somalia and lived there for at least several years; however, many Somali youth have memories of Somalia which are not their own. In other words, their parents have presented them with romanticized memories of Somalia, which leads to a shock of sorts when youth visit Somalia (Valentine and Sporton, 2009).
The youth find that the Somalia they visit and the Somalia which their parents have led to them to believe exists are two different places. Many youth are not prepared for the roles they are expected to adopt upon reaching Somalia. In addition, they are often not seen as Somali. Because of their accents and broken Somali speech, western dress, lighter skin and relative wealth, these youth are seen as children of the west, not children of Somalia. Some youth even report feeling unsafe or uncomfortable in this Somalia that they had not imagined (Valentine and Sporton, 2009).
To relieve this tension, immigrant Somali parents do their best to make sure their children remain as "Somali" as possible. Valentine and Sporton (2009), in their interview with Somali parents, found the following:
Many explained that they had to use 'home rules', such as insisting that the children only spoke Somali at home, to reproduce and enforce the home as a Somali space, because they wanted to ensure that their children had a sense of belonging to Somalia and were ready to return either permanently or for a visit when peace and stability is restored to the country. (p. 742)
The studies noted above show that differences have begun to develop between Somali youth and their immigrant parents. The differences primarily evidence themselves in language, dress and everyday practices. The implications of these new markers of identity will be examined below.
Recent acts of violence. Recently in Minnesota, young Somali men have both suffered violence and perpetrated it. Eight young men have been killed in gang violence (M. Neterer, personal communication, July 29, 2009), all of them at the hands of fellow Somalis (Condon, 2009). According to one estimate made by a former organizer within the Somali community in 2007, between 400 and 500 Somali youth are active in gangs. The activity of these groups, going by such names as Somali Hot Boyz, the Somali Mafia and Madhibaan with Attitude, has increased over the past few years (Condon, 2009).
One expert, Jorja Leap of California (Condon, 2009), cites joblessness, poverty, and a lack of support from the outside community, as reasons gangs form. She doubts that the formation of these groups has much to do with conflict between clans and tribes. Hassan Mohamud confirms this, saying that Somali youth join gangs because they feel alone and they believe joining a gang will meet their needs (Condon, 2009).
Violence within the Somali community is not limited to that carried out by gang members. In the past year, it was reported that up to 20 young Somali men had disappeared from Minneapolis, allegedly to fight jihad in Somalia with the group Al-Shabaab. It has been suspected by members in the community that these men were recruited by teachers at the Abu-Bakar As-Saddique Islamic Center in Minneapolis (Diaz, 2009; Elliot, 2009).
According to an article in the New York Times (Elliot, 2009), the young men who joined Al-Shabaab were initially motivated by nationalism; as their nationalism grew, they began to see Ethiopia, which had invaded in 2006 to help Somalia's fragile government, as the enemy. Elliot (2009) states:
They [the Somali young men] had long viewed their homeland's problems as hopelessly clan-based, but the Ethiopian campaign simplified things. Here was an external enemy against which young Somalis could unite. (p. 3)
Soon, this nationalism turned into adherence to radical Islam. In her discussion of this, Elliot (2009) says:
While Somali nationalism had initially driven the men… their cause eventually took on a religious cast. They became convinced that Somalia's years of bloodshed were punishment from God for straying from Islam… The answer was to restore the Caliphate, or Islamic rule. (p. 4)
The loss of these young men, whether now alive or dead, has shaken the trust of these immigrant parents. While they do not want their children to join gangs and become "Americanized", they are not sure that it is safe to send the children to the mosques. While parents are happy that their children choose the mosque over gangs and violence, they are scared that their children might be recruited by Al-Shabaab (M. Neterer, personal communication, July 29, 2009). This severely affects the ability of the children and parents to adjust to America, for they are unsure of their own community.
Trauma. In addition to the loss or absence of family members, there is history of trauma among Somali refugees. One need only peruse the pages of Scott Peterson's Me Against my Brother (2000) to acquire just a taste of the horrific scenes that Somali youth have witnessed. Warrior codes intended to protect women and children in the case of fighting, were broken continually. Rogue fighters inflicted punishment on anybody and everybody who stood in their way (Peterson, 2000). Peterson mentions one case involving a 16 year old girl being held at gunpoint as gunmen demanded money from her father. The story ends with her little brother dying from gun wounds and her father's teeth being viciously removed using pliers (Peterson, 2000, p. 26).
A study in the American Journal of Public Health (Jaranson et al., 2004)
sampled 1134 East African refugees. 622 of those sampled were Somali. Of these Somalis, 47 % of the women and 25% of the men had been exposed to torture. The study states that of all refugees worldwide "between 5% and 35%... have been tortured" (Jaranson et al., 2004, p. 591). The implications of this statistic become all the more alarming in light of the fact that about one half of the 9.9 million refugees in the world are children under the age of 18 (Ellis, Lincoln, MacDonald & Cabral, 2008). Many Somali youth that are refugees have had traumatic experiences previous to their immigration to other parts of the world. One study on post-traumatic stress disorder (Ellis et al., 2008) shows that a significant number of Somali youth have life stories that include historical premigration factors – that is, appalling things that took place previous to their immigration. According to this study, "a refugee child who has both experienced severe trauma and who must contend with the stressors associated with resettlement may thus be at particular risk for developing PTSD symptoms" (Ellis et al., 2008).
Considering this, it is understandable that higher levels of the anxiety disorder PTSD have been found among Somali youth whose stories contain such factors (Ellis et. al., 2008). The study notes the far reaching affects of PTSD: "The presence of PTSD symptoms, in turn, may affect the child's ability to adjust to the new circumstances, thus compounding that child's adjustment difficulties" (Ellis et al., 2008, p. 190). Another study done in the state of Minnesota notes that, when combined with such things as learning language, financial hardship or even the experience of new climates, prior traumatic experiences can have "enormous mental health implications" (Scuglik et al., 2007, p. 582).
Adjustment to a new environment is difficult enough in and of itself. However, when compounded with factors such as a crumbling family structure, growing conflict with parents and a history of violence and trauma, adjustment only becomes that much more difficult. In order to steer themselves through the process of adjustment, Somali youth develop an identity drawn from multiple sources. As will be shown in the following sections, Somali youth form identities that have been influenced by Somali culture, concepts of "blackness," and religion.
Formation of Identity
One's youth can be a particularly trying time. In addition to physical changes that are taking place, youth are faced with the task of finding their place in society as an individual. Often times, the main goal of an individual during this time is simply to fit in; this prevents one from being teased and ostracized. For Somali youth, this process of adjusting and fitting in can be extremely complicated. On the one hand, as noted above, pressure is exerted upon them by older generations of Somalis to follow the tenets of traditional Somali culture. On the other hand, Somali youth spend a great deal of their time outside the home, surrounded by the influence and pressure of American culture. When outside the home, in the eyes of the Somali youth, it is in their best interest to fit in and adapt to American culture.
In his work on Somali youth in Norway, Fangen (2007) notes: "As early as 1969, Barth underlined that it was not the 'cultural stuff' that defined ethnicity. A group's culture (or, we might add, its different members' individual cultural practice) may change without leading to a change of ethnic boundary" (p. 402). Essentially, what Fangen is saying is that a youth may still choose to identify as Somali (due in part to the fact of being ethnically Somali) though he or she might abandon certain Somali cultural practices and adopt those of another culture. What culturally Somali behaviors or practices do they use to establish identity? What aspects of American culture do they adopt? And perhaps most importantly, what are the specific reasons either for keeping, abandoning or adopting certain practices from either culture? It seems clear that there are three main markers of identity among Somali youth: dress (examined in light of Somali expectations), language (examined in light of identification with African-American culture), and religion.
Dress. Somali dress represents a mixture of tradition and religion. There are several different forms of traditional dress. These types of clothing were designed to be more functional than anything else. Traditional dress includes dirac and guntinno (Abdi, 2007).
There are two forms of dirac. The first one is generally worn for celebratory events. It consists of a thin (often transparent), floor length dress worn over a brassiere and full-length half slip. The second type of dirac is used as everyday wear. While thin, it is not generally transparent. Both types are generally worn with a shawl (scarf), although the style of scarf and way in which it is worn will vary according to the type of dirac worn (Abdi, 2007). Guntinno resembles a toga. It is a light, single piece of cloth, knotted over one shoulder. Having no sleeves, it leaves the arms and shoulders bare, as well as a portion of the back. The garment is ankle length (Abdi, 2007).
Abdi also states that until the rise of more restrictive forms of Islam (around the collapse of Barre's regime), while a custom of covering existed, it was certainly not required of women, nor was it enforced. With the rise of more restrictive Islam in Somalia came new codes of dress, and a new way to outwardly judge who was and was not a good Muslim. Women adhering to these new modes of dress wear what is called jalaabiib. Jalaabiib consists of a long (floor length) dress covered by a knee length, flowing head covering. These garments essentially cover every part of a woman except her face, hands and feet. This style of dress may be worn, in some cases, because it is cheaper than traditional dirac and guntinno (Abdi, 2007).
For men, there are several styles of dress as well. Many men wear macawiis. Much like a sarong, macawiis is a single piece of ankle length material folded over at the waist and always worn with a shirt. Other Somali men may choose to wear kameez, a long white robe generally accompanied by a head shawl. Alternatively, men may wear western style clothing, but it is still modest and rarely sloppy – Somali men dress very nicely.
When Somali parents express a desire for their children to embrace their Somali heritage through their clothing choices, it is clear that they would like to see their children wearing one of the above mentioned clothing options – or at least something that is modest (i.e., a long skirt and long sleeved shirts). Most parents would like to see their daughters wear head coverings. However, more and more Somali youth are choosing clothing that does not fit the standards of their parents. A great number have embraced elements of the urban youth culture, incorporating it in their dress through things like "sagging" jeans or tighter skirts (Shepard, 2008). While there are exceptions to the rule, those who choose to dress in a more western style or adopt urban styles do so in order to fit into the culture around them, to draw less attention to themselves as newcomers. Those who choose to wear more conservative styles (especially kameez or jalaabiib) are more often than not making a statement of faith (Shepherd, 2008).
Language. The use of language is highly valued among Somalis. According to Kaplan et al., (1977), "Verbal facility is highly valued in a society where until the early 1970s comparatively few people could read and write… intelligence is judged by alertness and skill in the use of words" (p. 72). As seen above, parents place a high priority on their child's ability to speak Somali well, particularly in anticipation of a return to Somalia. Yet, speaking Somali serves a more practical purpose, for it enables the parent, who may not have as easy a time learning English, the ability to continue communicating with their child.
Speaking Somali is also a way for Somali youth to identify themselves as "other". Those who speak better Somali might also flaunt this at the expense of less fluent Somali speakers. Shepherd (2008) notes that Somali can be used in some instances to exclude others or instigate conflict (p. 180). The level of fluency with which Somali youth speak Somali depends on a number of factors, but the most significant is the amount of time they have been in the United States. In Shepherd's study, those Somali youth that had been in the United States longer had lost some of their Somali fluency and, thus, felt more comfortable conversing in English (p. 178-182).
To some degree, although it was not affirmed by those interviewed by Shepherd (2008), the learning of the national language (in the case of America, English) can be used as a tool to assert ones identity in a new context. This was the case in Somali youth interviewed in Norway and those interviewed in the UK. In addition to having adopted the cultural practices of those around them, they had learned the national language – an accomplishment they felt should rewarded with identity as "English" or "Norwegian" (Fangen, 2007; Valentine and Sporton, 2009).
However, these youth found that identity is not limited to how a person sees him or herself. Identity is also an element that is either granted a person or withheld from him or her. In the case of the Somali youth in the UK and Norway, they found that due to the ideas that surround the meanings of English and Norwegian, their identity claims as such were rejected by natives, even in the face of their fluency in either language and being culturally competent (Fangen, 2007; Valentine and Sporton, 2009).
Identity in relation to African-Americans. There has been a strong aversion among Somalis to identification with African-American youth – or the "blacks" as they call them. This is a result of several different factors. First, Somali youth, until coming to the United States, had not been labeled or categorized as black; rather, back in Somalia or even in refugee camps, they were referred to in terms of their country of origin or clan. For many, being labeled by skin color was a new experience (Shepherd, 2008).
Second, African-Americans have notoriously rejected their Somali peers. In interviews conducted by Shepherd (2008), some Somali students stated they believed the rejection was a product of differences in religion, language and values. In addition, there are Somali youth who came to America with preconceived notions of African-Americans due to reports given them by relatives already living there. Each group has snubbed the other and developed a perception of enormous differences, even despite the genetic similarities they share. Nevertheless, there has been a tendency among Somali youth to pick up on the language used by African-Americans (and more broadly, "black" people).
In his observation of Canadian Somali youth, Ibrahim (1999) made the connection between the "black" identity placed upon the youth and the vernacular they began to use. Ibrahim (1999) maintains that Somali youth have such an interest in using the same language as black youth because that is the category into which they have been placed. In order to navigate their new identity as "black", Forman (2001) and Ibrahim (1999), among others, note the tendency for Somali youth to gravitate toward rap and hip-hop music. It is through these genres that they learn the vocabulary of their black peers.
The Somali youths' identification with their black peers does not stop at the adaptation of "ebonics" or the recognition of genetic similarities. Forman (2001) specifically speaks of youth who listen to hip-hop and rap, and realize they have shared experiences similar to those being described by the song. For instance, he notes that Somali youth tend to live in the same kinds of low-income areas, experience racial profiling, and endure the racial slurs slung by a white angry landlord (p. 51-52). It is clear that there are multiple reasons Somali youth identify with African-Americans, in spite of the discord between the two groups.
Religious identity. The final mark of identity to be examined among Somali youth in America is that of religion. An examination of
what American things Somali youth adopt, reveals the vast majority of Somali youth have kept their religious identities as Muslims; no studies of Somali conversion to Christianity are available. In the face of being rejected in their other identity claims, Islam and a connection to the worldwide umma (Muslim community),serve to unite Somali youth no matter where they are in the world.
However, each Somali youth develops his or her own adapted practice of Islam. A youth might only pray when forced to by his or her parents or come up with his own personalized practice of Islam (Fangen, 2007). Some teens are more religious, praying at each prescribed prayer time (Shepherd, 2008). Regardless of the degree of religiosity, a Somali youth will still identify him or herself as a Muslim, if for not other reason than the fact that he or she is one by birth. In addition, Somali youth generally continue to follow a great number of the precepts of Islam such as abstinence from pork, alcohol, pre-marital sex, etc.
Shepherd (2008) mentions several factors contributing to the apparent lack of religiosity of Somali youth (p. 198-201). First, she notes that many youth operate under the mindset that they can become more religious as they grow older. Secondly, many youth come from homes where, due to the absence of more religious males, they are not forced to pray as often. Finally, she notes that often, in smaller Somali immigrant communities, social networks do not exist which foster stricter adherence to Islam. This lack of overt Islamic practice, in the eyes of the Somali youth, does not negate their identity as a Muslim. If it did, the consequences would be dire, for their religious identity as such is considered primary.
In Section One, the problems which numbers of immigrant Somali youth and families are facing have been examined. Due to an ongoing civil war, Somalis have immigrated to places like Minneapolis, MN. They face several adjustment issues including a shift in family dynamics, growing gaps between generations, ongoing violence in their new context and a history of trauma that haunts them in the form of PTSD. In spite of these difficulties, in order to establish themselves, Somalis seek to assert their identity through such things as dress, language and religion.
Section Two: Theology of the Problem
Having discussed the background of the problem, this section now turns to a discussion of theological themes that can inform our understanding of this problem. In particular, this paper will explore the theological themes of family, hospitality, and culture present in Scripture. Once discussed, this section will examine the intersection between the particular theological themes and the Somali population in Minneapolis.
Family
The theological theme of family goes back to the book of Genesis, as the first mention of family is made here. Guyette (2003) notes that Genesis is not concerned with showing neat examples of exactly what family life should look like. Instead, the point of Genesis is to show that God loves and works with the family, no matter how broken it is. Not only does God work with broken families, but as discovered through the centuries to follow, He uses messy family situations for his glory. For example, the story of Abraham's family is less than ideal (Gen. 15-21), but we find characters from this story in the lineage of Jesus (Mt. 1:2) and listed as heros of the faith (Heb. 11:8-12).
One's theology of family should recognize the various relationships and roles God has placed within family. God has clearly placed the role of a guardian in the family dynamic. This guardian may be a mother or it may be a father, or it may be someone filling in this role. Whatever the case, God has declared it right and good that a child should listen to and obey this guardian (Ex. 20:12). Honor and respect among family members is not meant to be a one-way street, however. According to Guyette (2003), parents are in turn commanded to love their children with a kind of love that is modeled after 1 Corinthians 13.
In Ephesians, there are exhortations, not about the specific make up of the family, but about the way family members should interact with each other. In Ephesians 5:22, wives are told to be subject their husbands just as the church is subject to Christ. However, this submission is not intended to be one sided. In Ephesians 5:28, husbands are given the command to love their wives as they love themselves. In the verses following, we find another commandment to children to obey their parents (Eph. 6:1).
In a full biblical theology of family, the family is not limited to those who are physically related to a person. In Pauline literature, the image emerges of the church as the family of God. In some cases, the body of Christ may be come the only "family" a person has. However, whether nuclear, biological or spiritual in make up, there is still an obligation to love them and care for them in a Biblically informed way.
Hospitality
Hospitality is a theological theme seen throughout Scripture. One of the first instances of Biblical hospitality involves the Lord's visit to Abraham in Genesis 18. When the angels come by Abraham's tent, Abraham does not simply give them a cold cup of water and send them on their way. Instead, he offers them water, bread, milk, curds and meat (Gen. 18:1-7). He has his servants wash the strangers' feet, and his guests are treated well.
The degree to which hospitality or aspects of it (or stories of it) are discussed in the Old Testament demonstrate that it is something valued by God. In Leviticus, there is command after command to attend to the needs of the stranger within the midst of the community (Lev. 19, 23, 24, 25). In Job 31:32, Job tells the Lord of the hospitality he has extended to strangers, and in Malachi 3:5, the Lord promises to bring judgment upon those who have ignored the alien and stranger among them. Especially in the New Testament, there numerous instances in which individuals and families opened their homes to Jesus or the Apostles (Mt. 9:9-13; Lk. 19:1-10; Acts 16:14-40; Acts 18:1-3). Fernando (1998) suggests that the culture of the Bible embraced a hospitality that the modern world (especially the West) is not prepared for due to the fact that we rarely slow down.
So great is the value of hospitality in eyes of the Lord that He includes it in a sermon about the final judgment (Mt. 25:31-46). Jesus tells His disciples that His followers will see Him in dire need and attend to Him. He uses examples such as hunger and being a stranger in the land. At the final judgment, Jesus will say to them, "For I was hungry, and you gave Me something to eat… I was a stranger and you invited Me in…" (25:34-35). His followers understandably are confused, considering they have never met Jesus in the flesh, and ask when this could have happened. Jesus then says, "'The King will answer and say to them, 'Truly I say to you, to the extent that you did it to one of these brothers of Mine, even the least of them, you did it to Me'" (25:40). It is clear that hospitality is a practice grounded the Lord's heart for those who are aliens and strangers.
Culture
The final theological theme which this paper will explore is that of culture. The fact that the Lord has created and intends diversity is beyond debate. From the beginning of mankind, the Lord expressed His will that man "fill" the earth (Gen. 1:28). It is only logical to assume that such a spreading of people would have led to an increase in the number of cultures and languages present in the earth.
In discussing the plight of Joseph, Kort (2007), draws out the fact that while in Egypt, Joseph neither completely accepted nor rejected all of Egyptian culture. At the same time, he neither completely accepted nor rejected the culture he grew up with either. Instead, it appears that Joseph found an acceptable medium, one that still allowed him to express his faith in the sovereign God, but also remain culturally relevant to the Egyptians. Clearly, there were elements of Egyptian culture that were acceptable to adopt.
Kort (2007) goes on to note that within the wisdom literature, readers find a healthy positive attitude toward other cultures. This attitude is coupled with a call to use wisdom in discerning the good cultural elements from the bad. Most importantly, Kort (2007) points out, "… fear of Yahweh does not mean separation from and antagonism toward peoples with differing cultural and religious identities" (p. 4).
Finally, the theme of culture is perhaps most powerfully presented in a familiar two verses out of Revelation: "Worthy are You to take the book and to break its seals; for You were slain, and purchased for God with Your blood men from every tribe and tongue and people and nation. You have made them to be a kingdom and priests to our God; and they will reign upon the earth" (Rev. 5:9-10).
In a chapel address to Biola University students on February 18, 2009, Ray Causly demonstrated from these verses God's obvious delight in culture and diversity. He said that bride of Christ will be a "from-every-kind-of-bride" because that is the extent to which Christ spilled His blood. This means that the Lord possessed obvious intentions in redeeming every culture when Christ died on the cross.
Relevance to Somali Population in Minneapolis
In this section, the theological themes of family, hospitality, and culture have been discussed, along with their intersection with the Somali populations and particular relevance to any plan of action undertaken among them. These three theological themes (family, hospitality, and culture) are particularly relevant to the Somali population in Minneapolis due to the fact that these are three things that, as seen in Section 1, Somalis care about very much. In Section 1, it was shown that one of the main difficulties faced by Somalis as they adjust to American life is the shift in family dynamics. Clearly, any approach to them by a faith based organization, namely the church, requires a developed theology of the family.
Somalis also have a reputation for hospitality. They insist on making one's stay in their home pleasant, no matter how long or short. In light of the fact that this theme is so prominent in Scripture, one might conclude that this practice is evidence of God's "common grace" working in their culture. Any approach to Somalis should involve the practice of hospitality, not only because such actions mean a lot to Somalis, but hospitality reveals the hospitable, open heart of God.
Lastly, an understanding of the theme of culture presented in Scripture is crucial to any endeavors among the Somalis. Only with an understanding of the diversity affirmed in Scripture, are Christian workers prepared to engage Somali culture. A theology of culture grounded in Scripture enables such a person to both participate in culture as well as recognize practices that may be contrary to Scripture.
The final section of this paper will propose a church based action plan specifically focused on Somali youth and families of Minneapolis, MN. The goal of this plan is assist Somali youth in their adjustment to and formation of identity in America, as well as strengthen the Somali families of which these youth are a part.
Section Three: Plan of Action
According to Soerens and Hwang (2009), "We have an opportunity at this point in history to define the future as we decide how to interact with immigrant communities" (p. 174).There are significant steps being taken in Minneapolis to reach the immigrant Somali population, and the local church must seriously consider their options for engaging this community. The following action plan will propose that churches become involved in outreach to the Somali youth and their families through the active support of Somali parents, hospitality, and the active promotion of learning, both cultural and academic.
Support Somali parents
If it is true that God seeks to redeem family situations and work with families, as proposed above, then is there any reason why the church should not seek to build up those He has placed as head over the family? The church can do this in three specific ways: support S.A.L.T. (an outreach of World Relief Minnesota), a literacy program for Somali adults, provide parenting and adjustment classes, and, lastly, continue the interactions started with the Ummatul Mosque in Minneapolis.
S.A.L.T. is an outreach of World Relief Minnesota (hereon, WRM). The acronym stands for Somali Adult Literacy Training. The program, directed by Michael Neterer, is designed to teach Somali adults how to read in both Somali and English. A great majority do not possess this skill, considering that Somali was not a written language until the mid-70's (Kaplan et al., 1977). In learning to read in English, adults are also learning to speak English. This would be helpful, especially for families with children who are choosing to speak English instead of Somali. If a communication barrier only adds to the frustration present in generational gaps, as shown above, a logical response would be to contribute to the breaking down of such barriers.
According to the WRM website (Somali Adult, 2009), S.A.L.T. needs volunteers to work one-on-one with students after they have received their classroom instruction. There are currently six locations where churches can become involved in this type of activity. There is also a seventh S.A.L.T. site that serves as an outreach to both adults and children. If churches are interested, Michael Neterer promises to assist them in showing Christ's love. He says, "We will happily introduce you to your Somali neighbors and equip you to serve them in English tutoring…" (M. Neterer, personal communication, July 29, 2009).
In order to help Somali parents improve the quality of their parenting as well as their own process of adjustment, this paper proposes that the church seek ways to provide parenting classes. A study done concerning Chinese immigrant families (Kim et al., 2009) shows that when the quality of parenting improves, there is less tension between parents and children regarding the difference in adaptation as well as the level of depression in immigrant children. An article in the Journal of Marriage and Family (Dumka, Roosa and Jackson, 1997) found that, among immigrant Mexican families and Mexican American families, children that were actively supported by their parents were more likely to have healthy adjustment and lower levels of depression. Supportive parenting helped to offset the influence of other adverse factors and conditions in the children's life.
The study (Dumka, Roosa and Jackson, 1997) also demonstrates that supportive parenting helps reduce the amount of familial conflict. When children are not supported, they tend to misbehave which leads to an increase in conflict between family members. If these concepts might be applied universally, creating classes to address the issue of parenting would certainly be of help to the Somali community.
It is strongly encouraged that the creators of such classes include information on healthy discipline practices as well as those practices which are legal in the United States or in the state of Minnesota in particular. Many parents in the Somali diaspora, have little information concerning the discipline practices (primarily physical such as spanking), that are either legal or illegal in their new contexts. According to a study done in Minnesota (Scuglik et al., 2007), when children have a better grasp on English than their parents, they tend to "edit" the information their parents receive, such as letters from school. In addition, because they know that traditional Somali discipline is not favored in the US, Somali youth can threaten to charge their parents with child abuse (Scuglik et al., 2007).
Once Somali parents are informed of legal forms of discipline, their children are no longer able to use ignorance as a weapon. It is also important that the parents, once informed, be consistent in their discipline. Dumka, Roosa and Jackson (1997) show that children experience lower levels of depression and healthier adjustment when their parents are consistent in their discipline.
Churches will necessarily need to be aware of issues such as location, promotion, and trust as they form these classes. Will Somali parents have a problem with attending classes held in a church? Is it necessary that a member of the church teach these classes or would it be enough for the church to sponsor the classes? How will the church make these classes appealing to the Somali community? Classes that are formed keeping these questions in mind would be an invaluable resource to immigrant Somali parents. In addition, churches might want to consider expanding the content in the classes to include information on such things as banking, creating a resume, becoming involved in Minnesota politics, etc. According to Soerens and Hwang (2009), these classes "help immigrants navigate the larger community's often-inhospitable environment" (p. 166).
The last proposal concerning support of Somali parents is continued interaction with the Ummatul Mosque in Minneapolis. On July 18, 2009, about 20-30 pastors, Christian leaders and workers in the Twin Cities area visited the Ummatul Mosque for dinner and dialogue at the invitation of an imam there. In order to continue the relationship, a reciprocal invitation was extended to the members of the mosque to join the Christian leaders, workers and pastors for a meal and dialogue. This second meeting took place on October 31, 2009 (M. Neterer, personal communication, October 31, 2009).
More churches should seek involvement in such meetings, especially missions pastors and senior pastors. Especially powerful would be the further involvement of the Mennonite Church given the history of its work in Somalia. As of the 2003, the Mennonite Church was still involved in relief, peacemaking and developmental efforts among Somalis and in Somali (Eby 2003). Connections like these might foster the wider opening of the door to the Somali community. These meetings are an excellent opportunity to make connections with Somali parents in the Minneapolis area. Not only is this a way to engage them in a safe environment, but due to the meetings, one is able to spend a significant amount of time speaking with these individuals.
Hospitality
In their book Welcoming the Stranger, Soerens and Hwang (2009) talk about the various ways in which the church can minister to the immigrant community, listing the many organizations in the United States that are ministering to immigrants. It would be to the local church's advantage to partner with organizations that are doing ministry well; the opportunities are available.
Hospitality is not limited to inviting a person into one's home; through volunteer work, the church can practice hospitality. According to a volunteer application form found on the WRM website (What We Do, 2009), there are multiple ways in which the church can provide hospitality to recent Somali immigrants and refugees. Churches can participate in "Adopt a Refugee Family for Christmas", a program through which the church donates items requested by a refugee family during the winter season. Churches may also want to send volunteers to participate in "Assist in finding jobs for Refugees". This volunteer opportunity involves helping WRM employment counselors locate jobs for refugees, fill out applications and answer questions. What a practical way to practically minister to build relationship while meeting the practical needs of refugees!
Although hospitality is not limited to invitations to the home of another, it may take that form. Many Somalis have yet to be invited into the home of a Minnesota home, let alone a Christian home. Given the inevitability of friendships between Somali and American youth, it would be practical as well as hospitable to host the family of the Somali youth that has befriended the American child. If trust has been built between the two families, the Somali family is more likely to respond. Indeed, as the study by Ellis et al., (2007) confirms, building rapport and becoming involved in the community are the most efficient ways to gain the trust of the Somali community.
Muslims value hospitality highly and delight in any opportunity to treat their guests like royalty. When the local church befriends its new Somali neighbors, it "may receive… such instances of hospitality, as well as opportunities for reciprocation" (Swartley, 2005, p. 461). The author of this paper, through the building of relationship with a Somali family in Minneapolis, was given the opportunity for reciprocation on July 4, 2009. Her family invited the Somali family to be a part of their Independence Day celebration and served them halal (or kosher) food, as well as allowed them space to do their prayers. The church has many opportunities to practice hospitality; it is simply a matter of acting upon them.
Active promotion of learning
The final proposal for action among the Evangelical community in Minneapolis is the promotion of learning, both academic and cultural. Ummatul Mosque in Minneapolis, a predominantly Somali mosque, has asked for the local church to send volunteers to assist Somali children with homework (M. Neterer, personal communication, July 29, 2009). The local church should seriously consider this opportunity. The church might also decide to send volunteers to the S.A.L.T. site that provides tutoring to adults as well as children (Somali Adult, 2009).
The local church of Minneapolis should explore opportunities to learn about Somali culture as well. This might be done through involvement in or sponsorship of festivals and events that promote Somali culture. Such events include celebrations of Somali Independence Day and events put on by the Young Achievers. These events are generally open to the public, and attending such events with Somali youth in an effort to build relationship may cause significant growth in friendship.
Churches might also consider hosting a poetry festival. Given the high value Somalis place on poetry, the idea would be to invite poets from diverse ethnic backgrounds (including Somali) to share their pieces. In order to make the invitation more appealing to Somali youth, it might be in the best interest of the churches planning the event to join forces with a man or woman of peace within the Somali community. Due to the status this individual possesses, they would have a greater influence in garnering attendance and involvement in such an event.
The individual churches would have to decide the sorts of limitations placed on the poetry or other types of pieces shared at this event. For instance, would it be acceptable to allow the presentations that praise Islam in any way? If this is not allowed, would it be fair to allow Christian youth at the event to share pieces that uplift Christianity as a religion? Depending on where the event is held, it might also be appropriate to ask what other types of content would be allowed in pieces done. Would profanity be allowed? Would opinions concerning the government be allowed? What about pieces detailing a Somali youth's less than pleasant interactions with other cultures? The decisions concerning these things would have to be in the hands of the individual churches, according to the promptings of the Holy Spirit and consultation with Somali leaders.
The above section has proposed several ways in which the local churches of Minneapolis might engage and support the Somali community. The first proposition is that churches support Somali parents through such things as English learning and parenting classes. The second proposition is that the church and families volunteer and open their homes, as an act of hospitality. The final proposition is that local churches in Minneapolis help tutor Somali students and host events that give Somali youth an opportunity to express their culture and background.
Conclusion
The preceding pages have sought to answer the question in what ways can the American Evangelical church offer support to Somali Muslim families that have recently immigrated to America. Section One explored the circumstances which such families are fleeing, the primary difficulties they are facing in their adjustment to America, specifically shifting family dynamics, generational gaps, recent acts of violence and trauma, and the struggle for identity which Somali youth is are experiencing. Section Two engaged in a discussion concerning theological themes presented in scripture that are especially relevant to the Somali community. The section sought to demonstrate, these are themes of family, hospitality and culture. Finally, in Section Three, a plan of action was proposed for the churches in the Minneapolis, MN area. The plan of action includes churches involving themselves in the support of Somali parents, the practice of hospitality, and the promotion of learning, both academic and cultural. For far too long, the Somali population has received too little help from the church community which claims to be the "hands and feet of Christ". If we truly want to be the hands and feet of Christ, it only makes sense that in some way, we walk or reach out across the cultural divide and engage our new Somali neighbors.
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